E-voting regulators often join other side when leaving office
Tue, June 15, 2004
By Elise Ackerman
Mercury News
Shortly after leaving office, former California Secretary
of State Bill Jones sent letters to each member of the
Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors, reassuring them
that the electronic voting machines they wanted to buy were
reliable.
"The touch-screen system Santa Clara is considering
purchasing has been been successfully used in Riverside
County since 1999," Jones wrote in January 2003.
One month after Jones sent the letters, the Republican
became a paid consultant for Sequoia Voting Systems, a
touch-screen manufacturer that was bidding for Santa Clara
County's $19 million contract and ultimately won it.
Critics say Jones' move illustrates a troubling reality of
elections in the electronic age: close, often invisible,
bonds link election officials to the equipment companies
they are supposed to regulate.
When voting machines were simple mechanical devices, no one
much cared if manufacturers helped local officials select
and maintain their equipment. But a switch to sophisticated
computerized machines, and the sudden availability of
hundreds of millions of dollars in federal subsidies, has
raised questions about counties' dependence on private
firms.
While a revolving door between government service and
private-sector jobs is common, some observers argue such
cozy familiarity has led public officials to overlook flaws
in controversial electronic voting systems, putting
elections at risk.
Last month, Jones' successor, Secretary of State Kevin
Shelley, decertified electronic voting machines across
California.
Conditions attached
Warning that the machines could be ``subject to tampering or
manipulation,'' Shelley, a Democrat, decreed they could be
used in the November 2004 election only if counties take
specific security precautions to ensure digital ballots are
recorded accurately. So far, only Santa Clara, Orange and
Merced counties have received permission to use the
machines.
Jones, who is running for the U.S. Senate against Democrat
Barbara Boxer in the November election, explained in an
interview that he wrote the letters to Santa Clara County
supervisors because he wanted to defend ``a technology whose
time had come.'' He stressed he had not talked with Sequoia
about a job at the time and was not writing on the company's
behalf.
Jones said Sequoia paid him $10,000 a month from March to
August 2003 in exchange for talking to people who wanted to
know about touch-screen machines. He said he did not earn
any bonuses for helping to secure contracts.
"I talked to people who called me," he said. "I was not
interested in selling."
Santa Clara County registrar of voters Jesse Durazo said he
didn't see Jones' letters. But he noted the two months that
Jones waited before becoming a Sequoia consultant did not
seem like a sufficient cooling-off period. "The public at
large should feel that there is no undue influence," Durazo
said.
While Santa Clara County Supervisor Don Gage recalled that
"everybody and their kid brother was lobbying" for
electronic voting machines, he's satisfied with Sequoia. "I
thought we got a heck of a deal, we got a heck of a machine
and I'm happy with it."
Andy Draheim, a spokesman for the political advocacy group
California Common Cause, said Jones did not appear to have
committed any ethical violations. But he said the revolving
door is a perennial concern. It raises the question whether
decisions made in office "were made with the best of
interest of the public in mind or with the best interest of
the industry in mind," Draheim said.
Former secretaries of state from Florida and Georgia also
have lobbied on behalf of voting-equipment manufacturers.
Lower-ranking elections officials have taken jobs with the
companies as well. Three of Jones' former staffers and two
of his predecessor's staffers work for the three largest
voting-machine companies.
"Made sense"
"It made sense for me because my expertise has been in
voting technology and public education," said Alfie
Charles, a former Jones' press aide who is now a Sequoia
spokesman.
For others, joining voting equipment companies has proven
lucrative. Former Florida Secretary of State Sandra Mortham
scored a $172,000 bonus from Election Systems & Software
(ES&S) after helping the Nebraska-based company win a $17
million contract from Broward County, Fla. She also earned
undisclosed amounts from sales of electronic voting systems
to Miami-Dade and 10 other counties.
Broward and Miami-Dade both experienced severe problems the
first time they used the new ES&S touch-screen machines.
According to the American Civil Liberties Union of Florida,
as many as one out of 12 voters did not have their votes
counted in 31 precincts because poll workers were not able
to set up the voting machines or did not verify votes had
been properly cast.
Paying for conferences
In addition to hiring former secretaries of state and their
staffs, voting equipment companies help pay for a multitude
of industry conferences, including those sponsored by
organizations like the National Association of Secretaries
of State, or NASS.
At these events, companies routinely underwrite everything
from trade exhibits to dinner dances. Last year, Accenture
invited election officials to "an authentic Island Lobster
Bake" at NASS' annual summer meeting in Maine. A Bermuda-based
consulting firm, Accenture was developing an Internet-
based voting system for the Pentagon and putting together
voter databases for individual states. Other companies
sponsored an evening dessert cruise and performance by the
Maine State Theater.
"Personally, I've known a lot of these people for a long
time, and we've become a family," said Rebecca Vigil-Giron,
New Mexico's secretary of state and NASS' president-elect.
According to an NASS spokeswoman, the fees paid by corporate
sponsors such as Diebold, ES&S, IBM and Accenture account
for more than half of the association's $420,000 budget.
NASS does not regulate electronic voting. However, many of
the association's individual members are responsible for
administering election laws in their states, including rules
governing the use of electronic voting systems.
Last summer, when independent computer scientists published
an analysis detailing serious security flaws in a Diebold
touch-screen voting system, the association asked Sequoia
spokesman Charles for help in drafting a response.
Expressing support
The association's statement initially expressed unequivocal
support for the machines. But it was withdrawn after a
handful of members protested that ignoring the scientists
was a mistake.
While equipment makers have routinely sought the support of
state officials, some of the closest relationships exist on
the county level, where some underfunded elections
departments depend on voting equipment companies to set up
ballots and troubleshoot on election day.
"Years ago, when I worked in the secretary of state's
office, I remember looking at the small counties, and I
thought, `Gee, if it wasn't for the vendors, these elections
would never get pulled off,' " said Alameda County
registrar of voters Brad Clark.
Dependence breeds loyalty. One of electronic voting's
strongest defenders is Mischelle Townsend of Riverside
County, the first California registrar to introduce touch-screen
machines. Last summer, Townsend flew to Florida to
appear in an infomercial sponsored by Sequoia, the
manufacturer of Riverside's voting machines.
Townsend disclosed the $1,080 trip as a gift but declined to
discuss it with the Mercury News. Other registrars said
their voting equipment suppliers have offered them tickets
to football games and invited them to restaurants.
"Because the election officials have a close relationship
with the voting machine companies, they believe them and
they trust them, instead of performing their functions with
due diligence," contends Will Doherty, an executive
director of the Verified Voting Foundation, an advocacy
group that has been critical of touch-screens.
Clark acknowledges that may be true. Last year, Diebold
installed uncertified software on voting equipment used in
Alameda County, a move that could have jeopardized the
election.
"It made me be aware of the need to more carefully monitor
what the vendor was doing," Clark said. "I should have
checked more carefully."
Contact Elise Ackerman at
eackerman@mercurynews.com
or (408) 271-3774.
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