Don't just trust, verify
By Ethan Goffman, Takoma Park/Silver Spring Voice
December 2003
Silver Spring resident Shelley Fudge has long been concerned about
the issue of voting maching accuracy. Like many people, she claims
the 2000 elections as a defining moment; "they led me into
an activist stance. I thought finally people would get serious about
voting reform." Ever since, whether spoken or not, the issue
has hung in the air, creating an uneasy backdrop to our democracy,
which depends on the trust of all citizens that their votes are
being counted.
As new electronic machines have entered service intended to solve
the problems of 2000, rumors have begun to spread. The machines,
it is claimed, are not reliable: they can be tampered with and their
vote totals are unverifiable. Those elections in which the machines
have operated have not quelled these fears. For instance, Fudge
tells the story of a friend who, during the 2002 primaries, cast
a vote in which she had no faith: "She knew that her vote was
not counted. She tried to complain and was totally ignored."
Like many people, Fudge had other concerns than voting machines
during the long period of the looming Iraq war. Nevertheless, as
a member of Montgomery County Against the War, she began to notice
that many fellow members shared her concerns. One such member was
Linda Schade, a long-time political organizer, who had also noticed
a concern with these machines in many quarters.
What followed was a kind of synergy, as individual worries were
stoked by skeptical reports from computer experts. Schade’s
organization, The Campaign for Fresh Air and Clean Politics, served
as a central organizing point for these concerns under the name
Campaign for Verifiable Voting in Maryland.
The Maryland campaign is part of a burgeoning nationwide effort.
Numerous computer scientists and security experts have expressed
doubts about the new machines. Those machines made by Diebold Election
Systems, which are being adopted across the state of Maryland, are
of special concern. In July, computer scientists at both Johns Hopkins
University and Rice University found numerous security flaws in
these machines. To compound the problems, hackers have broken into
Diebold’s files and distributed source code for the election
machines across the internet (although Diebold insists that this
is not the code currently used).
Diebold is not the only company for which electronic voting machines
generate concerns. For any company, if the machines at a particular
site happen not to be working on election day, voters at that site
will either have the vote significantly delayed or not be able to
vote at all. And there is no way to do a true recount. Although
election results can be run through a machine several times, it
will simply continue to make the same mistakes.
Supported by the Maryland State Board of Elections, Diebold discounts
worries about their machines. They point out that each district
controls its own machines, which are not connected to a single source,
as had been assumed in the Johns Hopkins study. A recent Maryland
Gazette editorial argues that it is a mistake to "take the
theoretical conclusions" of the study "and apply them
to real-world situations." It is also true that the process
of adopting Diebold machines has been forwarded by both major political
parties, beginning with the Glendening administration and continuing
under Ehrlich’s guidance.
Nevertheless, there have already been claims of violations in several
elections, most prominently in Georgia’s 2002 gubernatorial
contest. How substantial these allegations prove remains to be seen.
Certainly, however, confidence in the vote is crucial to a democracy.
The Campaign for Verifiable Voting in Maryland agrees with most
critics that a paper trail is the best way to allow verifiable recounts
and certify elections. "Investing in machines that don’t
have a recount capacity is investing in electoral chaos for Maryland,"
explains Schade. "I mean, nobody wants to have another Florida."
In a four-month period, the Campaign for Verifiable Voting has
emerged as a strong advocate in voicing concerns that are both statewide
and nationwide. They began by creating a website to publicize the
issue, and initiated an e-mail campaign to legislators. During the
2003 elections in Takoma Park, the Campaign for Verifiable Voting
organized a protest to avoid legitimitizing a process they find
questionable. Members then filed a formal complaint challenging
the new machines (a process they had to invent, since there was
no procedure for doing so). Computer scientist Aviel Rubin, who
led the Johns Hopkins team investigating the Diebold machines, cites
the Campaign for Veriable Voting’s Kevin Zeese as one of the
key players "actively promoting the voter verifiable trail."
Although the Campaign for Fresh Air and Clean Politics has roots
in Schade’s 2002 Green Party campaign for the state legislature,
Schade and Zeese describe the group as non-partisan. Questions about
voting machines cross party lines, and have been asked by Republicans,
Democrats, Libertarians, Greens, and others. The Campaign for Verifiable
Voting has also been endorsed by the Baltimore Interdenominational
Ministerial Alliance, evidence of deep concern about voting among
the African-American community. Anne Arundel County’s Women’s
Republican club is yet another group working with the Campaign for
Verifiable Voting.
In Silver Spring, one Republican activist who supports the Campaign
for Verifiable Voting is Jae Collins. Voting, he explains, is "the
core of our system. It needs to be protected so that there isn’t
a high probability of tampering." Because both Greens and Republicans
are marginalized in Montgomery County, he explains of Schade’s
2002 election campaign, "I understood what she was trying to
do." Even though Republicans and Greens disagree on 65 percent
of issues, he asks "why shouldn’t we work together on
the other 35 percent?"
Collins also suggests that, as a Republican, he can act as a conduit
to the Ehrlich administration. In an age of partisan division, he
believes that "younger activists have a much more open mind,
and we’re bridging political parties for open government."
In sharp contrast to Collins–and to Linda Schade–Shelley
Fudge is a loyal member of Montgomery County’s dominant political
party. "I am a true-blue Democrat," she exclaims. Yet
she too emphasizes that the Campaign for Verifiable Voting is "a
collection of individuals from very different perspectives."
The concern with accurate, verifiable elections in which people
trust the results has obvious cross-party appeal. As time and technology
change, and along with the worry that unscrupulous people are finding
new ways to cheat, constant monitoring of election systems becomes
necessary. Fudge explains that much of the problem lies with the
need to make sure that election volunteers, including many senior
citizens, are comfortable with the new technology. And Collins believes
that our current environment mandates "constant assessment,
evaluation, and pursuit of better and better products."
In just a short time, the Campaign for Verifiable Voting has brought
together citizens from a great variety of backgrounds and made an
impact. To succeed, democracy has long depended on the involvement
of citizens’ groups. If, over the past few decades, this involvement
has been fading, perhaps the Campaign for Verifiable Voting is one
sign of a resurgence. And perhaps it will help ensure that the most
obvious sign of a successful democracy, fair and accessible voting,
is also apparent in the 2004 elections.
Copyright 2003, Takoma Publishing
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